By Stephen Young
By Stephen Young
By Stephen Young
By Jim Schutze
By Rachel Watts
By Lauren Drewes Daniels
"I started thinking about things like this in the sixth grade," the son says. "I had a teacher back then who really inspired me. She taught me how to respect the environment."
Most kids, stirred by elementary school recycling dogma, might, if they're lucky, persuade Mom and Dad to separate a few cans and bottles into collection bins.
Andrew got a lot more than that.
Sam Wyly, who sold two software companies in February for some $4 billion, plunked down $2.5 million last month to broadcast television ads in primary states that touted Texas Gov. George Bush's environmental record. The commercials, which began airing just a few days before the Super Tuesday presidential primaries, attacked Sen. John McCain for voting against solar energy and praised Bush for signing legislation to curb electric power plant pollution.
Initially aired without any information about who had paid for them other than identifying the Wylys' newly formed organization, Republicans for Clean Air, the commercials quickly raised questions about the Dallas billionaire's motives.
McCain led the skeptics. He identified Wyly as a Bush buddy who dropped millions to sway voters. "This is a textbook study," McCain said. "This whole thing is the most perfect example of why I have been so zealous in my pursuit of campaign finance reform."
But now that the brouhaha has died down and McCain has stepped out of the race, the story of how the advertising strategy unfolded makes it seem entirely plausible that Sam Wyly launched his controversial television pitch because of shared concerns with his son. Specifically, the ads put the Wylys and the family's newest business -- GreenMountain.Com, an energy marketing company that sells electricity from sources like solar power and wind energy -- on media center stage.
That's not a bad place to be if you are thinking about building market share and taking a company public. Last year, Wyly -- whose family, hedge fund, and others have invested $100 million in GreenMountain.Com -- planned to make an initial public stock offering that put the value of the company at $3 billion. He later decided against going public, and GreenMountain.Com lost $19.8 million in the first quarter of 1999, but clearly the company is still on Wyly's mind. Earlier this year at an energy conference in Aspen, Colorado, Wyly outlined his strategy for GreenMountain.Com. "As each state and nation deregulates it electric industry," Wyly said, "we plan to enter with our information campaign and help create a vibrant competitive market...Ultimately the majority of our customers will find us and be served over the World Wide Web."
The elder Wyly couldn't be reached for comment, but his son admits there was some talk about whether the pro-Bush ads could also drum up interest in the family business.
Jeb Hensarling, a consultant who worked with Wyly and managed Texas Sen. Phil Gramm's 1996 failed presidential bid, was Wyly's point man on the ads, though he initially counseled against them. But Wyly said he wanted "to recognize Governor Bush for what he did." (Hensarling agreed to speak to the Dallas Observer after Wyly himself publicly discussed how the ads came about.)
In truth, Wyly was recognizing Bush for what he didn't do -- namely, veto legislation introduced by Democratic state Rep. Steve Wolens that called for 68 of 760 electric plants in Texas to meet mandatory clean-air standards. At the time of the legislation's development, neither Wyly nor Bush was instrumental in its passage. "Wyly never came to the committee to testify," Wolens recalls, even though the legislator invited him. "I thought it would have been helpful."
But since the legislation had passed and Bush had not vetoed it, Wyly was ready to give the governor credit.
There was not much else positive in Bush's environmental record. Dallas-based political consultant Rob Allyn, who was paid $46,000 for helping create the ads, and Hensarling concede that they questioned the wisdom of attacking McCain's environmental record.
Hensarling was against the idea altogether, and he certainly didn't want to go negative. "I advised Sam that in my opinion, I didn't think his message would get out. Period," he says. "I thought a positive Bush ad would do a better job."
Allyn says he anticipated a backlash, especially since the Sierra Club had already been running ads, featuring a boy in an oxygen mask, that bashed the governor's environmental record.
Indeed, a few days after the Wyly commercials began airing, columnist Molly Ivins responded to the ad praising Bush's environmental records with the phrase, "Excuse me, I think I have a banana in my ear."
Ivins and others pointed out that Texas ranks No. 1 in toxic releases according to the Environmental Protection Agency. Bush's appointments to the state regulatory agency on the environment, the Texas Natural Resource Conservation Commission (TNRCC), have been mostly business types. Under the guidance of the oil industry, the governor encouraged the TNRCC to modify regulations that would force some 850 plants that polluted heavily to meet mandatory pollution standards. Bush, as the industry wanted, eventually signed legislation that structured a voluntary compliance program.