I was never as interested in the criminal implications of the inland port situation—there may be none, time will tell—as in the social, political and economic messages. I thought bringing well-paid jobs with benefits to southern Dallas had to be a positive good, something to be welcomed with open arms and a certain sense of relief, if not actual gratitude.

Southern Dallas County Commissioner John Wiley Price, whom I have known for 30 years and for whom I have had great respect, told me I was wrong. He told me manual labor jobs are a form of exploitation associated with slavery. In a letter to the California investor, Price said derisively, "During slavery everybody had a job."

Price made the same demand of the California developer that I hear echoed in this trial—that the investor give up an equity share in his business in exchange for the privilege of doing business in southern Dallas. It's the sort of demand nations sometimes make of foreign investors, based on a powerful sense of territorial prerogative. If you want to enter our territory and do business on our soil, you must pay a tariff.

Former city council member Al Lipscomb: One can hear echoes of his corruption case today.
Sam Merten
Former city council member Al Lipscomb: One can hear echoes of his corruption case today.

So I'm sitting up in the tin-can room in my coarse, untutored Yankee carpetbagger ignorance wondering what territory? What territory? Separate black and white territories went away with segregation. Right?

Oh, wait. Did segregation not quite go away?

Maybe not, according to a distinctly creepy April 16 Morning News editorial about the inland port. In it, the Morning News wagged its finger at The Allen Group (TAG), the California inland port investor now headquartered in Dallas, as if TAG were an oafish sort of Moustache Pete immigrant who hadn't quite learned the refined ways of the city by the Trinity River. Maybe I sympathize so strongly with TAG because I feel oafish sometimes too.

The city's only daily newspaper wanted this interloper from the primitive reaches of California to better understand the subtleties of trade across the racial borderline in Dallas. The headline was, "Southern Dallas 101," with an underline that said, "Inland port saga a valuable lesson about restraint."

The editorial explained that, "Suspicions run high among many in southern Dallas that outside investors, particularly from white-owned companies, only want to exploit workers and reap big profits without giving something back to the community."

Of course, I read these words in my thick-headed way and wondered how you can "exploit workers" if you are creating new jobs for people who have not had jobs or work since Reconstruction. How do you exploit unemployed people by giving them good jobs?

And if anybody from California or anywhere else can "reap big profits" in southern Dallas, he will accomplish a miracle that has eluded Dallas investors since the Civil War.

The Morning News explained that southern Dallas doesn't see it that way. There, according to the News, "Many are eager to prove that they, too, can launch big projects and are loath to let outsiders do what they can do themselves."

Well, if somebody in southern Dallas thinks that southern Dallas can launch its own massive new continental shipping center—or auto plant or steel mill or space port—then somebody in southern Dallas is tragically deluded. That magnitude of investment can only come from outside the community. History teaches it will not come from white Dallas. Therefore it must come from farther away, and if and when it ever does show up, people ought to roll out the red carpet.

Instead, TAG was bullied by southern Dallas politicians who wanted it to give an equity share in its company to certain well-connected southern Dallas contract-seekers. And when TAG complained to Congresswoman Eddie Bernice Johnson that it was the victim of a shakedown, the News accused it of committing an outrageous gaffe:

"Going forward, white-dominated companies must keep foremost in mind the unique history of southern Dallas," the News said. "It is not simply a great business opportunity to be exploited for maximum profit."

What is southern Dallas? Chechnya? Call me a carpetbagger lout, but I think this is simple. Pretend I'm the outside investor. Are you telling me that in order to invest in southern Dallas and create high-dollar jobs with health benefits, I have to pay some kind of damn tax where I actually give a slice of my company to a bunch of strangers? Guess what, Sherlock. I ain't comin'. I'm going to take my money and invest it in some place like West Point, Georgia, where they're on bended knee begging me to show up and in fact offering to give me all the land I need free of charge as an incentive.

If anything, southern Dallas should be deeply suspicious of the ease with which the Morning News risks driving outside investment away entirely from southern Dallas. It's almost as if the Morning News can live with poverty forever in southern Dallas better than it could live with prosperity that owed nothing to white Dallas.

Last Monday the Morning News ran a front-page story by its political columnist, Gromer Jeffers, who is black, saying that many black leaders in Dallas are embarrassed by the racial themes they have been hearing in this trial. Great. They should be.

But what about the white folks? These are their themes too. It always took two to tango.

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